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.The diversity of sitesand uses that might occupy that land are positioned to build parallelism andintelligence among several networks.Most critical is the perception of thisroadside not as a vacancy in the traditional use of the word but as a sitethat has been partially cleared of dominant programs and is overlain with atopography of not only terrestrial but legal and commercial features.Thesesometimes invisible factors may provide some of the most pliable means ofadjusting or reconditioning highway sites for different uses, thus facilitatinganother series of intelligent national and local networks on the back of themidcentury interstate highway system.|Sites 126Notes1.For instance, Rem Koolhaas s new town of Lille is an example of this kind of mega-program where the most provocative space was created by simply subtracting theseparations among the several infrastructure networks at their crossing.Called thePiranesi space, it is largely a visual, aesthetic cross-reference between these differ-ent transportation networks, though it functions as a passenger exchange.2.Stanley McMichael, Real Estate Subdivisions (New York: Prentice Hall, 1949), 5 6and H.McKinley Conway, The Airport City and the Future Intermodal TransportationSystem (Atlanta: Conway Publications, Inc., 1977) passim.|2.4 Par t 3 3.0 SUBDI VI SI ON PRODUCTSConsidered to be among the most banal and simplistic development environ-ments, the subdivision, in league with both the market and the military dur-ing this century, has also been one of America s most powerful spatialprotocols.Though we have often simply labeled residential formations ofsingle-family houses, suburbia, and often also rushed to a sociological cri-tique of this fabric, a great deal of intelligence resides in the logistical andorganizational constitution of its many distinct formats.In fact, the assem-blage of residential subdivision formats is perhaps best described by organi-zational expressions.For instance, the design of a single house or plattingplan does not convey critical information about the spatial character of theaggregate.Rather, the typical postwar suburb would be best described by aseries of sequential operations performed on a repeatable dwelling.Residen-tial fabric is typically arranged in generic formats with varying degrees ofneutrality and differentiation, and either by design or default, their financing,ownership, and construction protocols differentiate or add complexity tothem.The house and all its attending elements, however, are also commercialdestinations, and the various fittings, which attend the building and refur-bishing of a house, though seemingly discrete agents are powerful factors informatting the overall organization.Subdivision products are adjusted by yetmore products.Moreover, as an organization that commodifies space, thesubdivision is a precursor to many contemporary real estate products serv-ing retail, workplace, and global commerce.The subdivision has been treated as not only a commercial instrument toorganize consumption but a cultural instrument to instigate social or politicalreform.Many well-meaning cultural engineers have been convinced thatthey could systematize or aestheticize residential fabric in a way that would 130have a remedial effect on American urbanism.During the first half of thecentury, these practitioners assumed various roles in partnerships with busi-ness and the federal government.They were engaged as associates from theprivate sector during World War I and later as technicians, engineers, andsocial planners during the Hoover and New Deal years.The episodes in partIII examine one crucial moment during the New Deal period when many ofthe new technicians of subdivision science were present in Washington atthe same time.They were all vying to influence postwar policy on residentialfabric until by the late 1930s, in a conservative political climate, the rules ofthe game shifted and private enterprise ascended to or returned to its posi-tion as the de facto architect of the dominant postwar subdivision format.Not only does this moment invite comparisons between different residentialorganizations but because this subdivision science was essentially appro-priated by a merchandising strategy, the episodes examine the way in whicharchitects managed to exclude themselves from the game.In the early twentieth century most planners organized residential fabricinto one of several prevailing forms suburban satellites, autonomous towns,or subdivisions.These forms evolved from a variety of property organizationsin America s urban history from the grids of colonization and westwardexpansion to specialized enclaves and company towns.The leafy railroad sub-urbs were arranged as satellites outside the cities, whereas the more denselyplatted streetcar suburbs inhabited a middle ground on the urban periphery
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