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- Peter Charles Hoffer The Brave New World, A History of Early America Second Edition (2006)
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.19 The archivesstacks are full of such cases, each one of which cost the government untoldresources in time and money.The cost to the artisans cannot be measuredby the historian.Nor was it only artisans who lived under the threat of ex-pulsion: when the owner of a cast-iron works died in 1911, his sons werecharged by a factory supervisor of trading in fabric without the necessarypermit.Because Jews trading illegally outside the Pale could have their waresconfiscated, the authorities ruled that the factory could be impounded.Thus,according to a correspondent for the Warsaw daily Unzer leben, a family thathad lived in Kiev for several decades was expelled from the city and, mostlikely, ruined economically.20While the situation of Kiev s Jews was in some ways unique, the in-securities that they faced particularly the threats of expulsion and eco-nomic failure were not very different from those faced by Russian Jewryas a whole.The May Laws of 1882 included a clause forbidding new settle-ment by Jews in a rural area or village; the clause was often interpretedbroadly and used to expel families from areas they had inhabited for genera-tions, forcing them into the ever more crowded towns and cities of the Pale 106 JEWISH METROPOLIS(here we must also note the brutal expulsion in 1891 of thousands of Jewsfrom Moscow).21 And, of course, millions of the empire s Jews, hemmed inby residential, occupational, and educational restrictions, lived in poverty,many seemingly surviving on the very air.These, indeed, were the chiefthreats to Russian Jewry and the primary incentive for emigration.Whetherit is wise to refer to government restrictions as a legislative pogrom, a coldpogrom, or a silent pogrom is open to debate, but perhaps these terms ob-scure unnecessarily the very important distinction between physical vio-lence and administrative measures, however cruel.22 More significantly, theyelide the largely socioeconomic factors that contributed to the 1881 82 po-groms (which were not organized by the government) and the political andideational characteristics of the official restrictions that followed.That the real threat to Kiev s Jews lay not in the mob but in the authori-ties seemed to be bolstered by a suggestion made by right-wing city coun-cilor F.N.Iasnogurskii in 1902, that the city petition the government forpermission to expel all of its Jews.The mayor moved that as the proposal didnot fall under the purview of the municipal administration, that it not evenbe accepted for consideration.While this was clearly not an idea that mostpeople considered desirable or even realistic, the fact that such a suggestioncould be made in the city council at all must have been unsettling, to say theleast.23Numbers and OriginsA.P.Subbotin, an economist and writer who surveyed the economiccondition of the Jews in the region in 1887, gives a figure of up to 18,000Jews out of a total city population of 170,000 in 1887, or about 10.5 percent,which is almost identical to the percentage in the 1874 census.24 By 1897, theyear of the All-Imperial Russian Census, Kiev s population had risen to justunder a quarter of a million, of whom about 13 percent were Jews (32,000).25This figure was commensurate with their proportion of the population of theentire province (12.2 percent), and an increase of only a few points from theshare of Jews in the total population in 1874: Jewish movement into Kievhad slowed from its early breakneck speed and was now keeping pace withtotal migration to the city.26 However, Jews now formed the city s largest re-ligious minority, with Catholics coming in second with 19,000.The share ofJews who spoke Russian as their mother tongue was not much greater thanthat in the Jewish population of the empire as a whole: 6 percent, or about THE CONSOLIDATION OF JEWISH KIEV, 1881 1914 1072,000.For comparison, 37 percent of St.Petersburg s Jews and 10.5 per-cent of Odessa s claimed Russian as their mother tongue, while less than1 percent (0.83 percent) of the Jews of Kiev province did so.27 In the im-perial census of 1897, mother tongue probably meant something morelike Umgangsprache the language of everyday use as even those Jews whospoke Russian at home had probably not been raised with it as children.Thus,while Kiev had a higher concentration of acculturated Jews than the averageshtetl, it had fewer such Jews than most of the empire s large cities with sig-nificant Jewish populations.Of Yiddish-speakers, half were literate in Rus-sian (a statistic somewhat higher than the 42 percent literacy rate amongthe total population of the city), and only 5 percent had had any educationhigher than the primary grades.As was the case among Russian Jewry as awhole, women were less likely than men to be literate in Russian (41 percentversus 61 percent).28The 1897 census also shows that Kiev was largely a city of relativelyyoung and unattached people: of Yiddish-speakers, fully 60 percent hadnever been married, the same proportion as for Russian-speakers in the cityand indeed for all Jews in the Russian Empire.29 Two-thirds of Kievans hadbeen born outside the city, and almost half of them outside Kiev province.30Jews certainly had reasons to want to move to Kiev: Subbotin noted that Jew-ish poverty in Kiev province and the southwest region as a whole was at ahigher level than in the northwest: living conditions were worse, it was moredifficult to find work, and competition with non-Jews was more intense.31These circumstances were likely another factor that attracted Jews to Kiev,the one locality in the region one could hope would be an exception to thecontinually worsening conditions in the surrounding provinces.The heavily migrant character of the community may also explain theimbalance in the representation of the sexes: for every one hundred Jewishmen, there were eighty-nine Jewish women.Lestschinsky points to the le-gal restrictions on Jewish settlement, theorizing that many of the merchantsand artisans who were permitted to live in Kiev were not yet married
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